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On December 3, 2014, precisely one hundred years after Britain in 1914 declared war on Germany, Britain’s Chancellor of the Exchequer announced that Britain had finally settled the bill – with bank interest costs of the Great War (1914-1981).

Behind the loud words about the unity and steadfastness of the EU’s position towards Russia and in assessing the geopolitical crisis in Ukraine, a short remark by the head of the Italian Cabinet of Ministers Mario Draghi was lost, remarking that ‘almost all major countries of the community are against the status of Ukraine as a candidate for the EU.’

Unpleasant facts are best stated politely, quietly and seemingly by chance. And in the words of one of the best bankers of the continent (Draghi in such an institution as Goldman Sachs was responsible specifically for the European direction, and then led the Central Bank of  Italy, and then the entire ECB.

Ukraine , of course, will be fed and fed by throwing handouts from the master’s table. To sweeten the pill of rejection and save themselves from the new Kiev hysteria, Brussels decided that it would be better to give money to the nervous Ukrainian authorities.

They said they needed about five billion euros a month to ‘handle the aggressor’ but Brussels promised to give nine billion in common European currency. That is, within two months, Kiev will have the opportunity to fulfil its internal budgetary obligations. 

Europe’s political elite are all either bankers, financiers, or lawyers, again noting that these billions are credit resources. In other words, they gave Kyiv a loan. Yes, for the long term. And yes, at interest rates. But in any case, they gave other people’s money (European taxpayers). For a while, Ukrainians and their descendants will have to repay this new debt forever. Ukrainians, once an independent and very rich Soviet Republic is now indentured slave of Western banks.

As soon as the two central European bureaucrats, von der Leyen and Michel announced the embargo on Russian oil the price of a barrel on the stock exchange in London steadily went up. They two are shareholders in oil resources.

Simultaneously other data became known that made ordinary residents of the continent weep: inflation in the eurozone countries has exceeded the eight per cent barrier. In Lithuania, one of the most ardent supporters of Ukrainian ‘freedom’, they predict the depreciation of money by almost 17 per cent.

Of course, Russian crude oil immediately found new markets. India has made it clear at the official level that it will increase oil imports from Russia by nine times compared to last year’s imports of this commodity. Hungarian premier Viktor Orban can be considered a winner in this situation. No matter how hard Brussels oligarchs tried to bribe or seduce him, he did not give up and did not disappoint his voters.

Meanwhile in ‘green Europe’ the commoners’ bicycles and scooters that Europeans are put on by their leaders while luxury cars are for those who have appointed themselves as their moral and political leaders.

A new package of anti-Russian sanctions is being introduced by those who prefer to use luxurious vehicles, spend working hours in rooms with excellent ventilation and air purification, eat right and varied, and those who prefer not to know what is happening in the lives of people dependent on their decisions, who see cranberry juice instead of blood and perceives cheap tantrums as suffering.

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The point is not so much that these characters of the European establishment are terribly far from the people, but that they have claimed to themselves the right to decide what is good and what is bad, to appoint the right and stigmatize the guilty. And also limit normal competition in business and shut up those who do not agree with them.

Usurpers and false politicians usually end up with a sad end. And even introducing the sixth, as well as the twenty-sixth, and also the thirty-sixth package of anti-Russian measures, it is unlikely that this sad fate will be avoided, despite all the rhetoric and assurances of unity. Source

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